Stephen
Kershnar
Academic Salaries: No Basis in Theory or
Practice
Dunkirk-Fredonia Observer
June
6, 2016
Discussions of appropriate salaries
in academia generates more heat than light. Lost in the discussion is the lack
of a theoretical basis, or even much of an empirical basis, by which to
evaluate salaries.
Consider
the difference between salaries between public research and teaching
universities (specifically, Category I public Doctoral universities and Category
IIA public Master’s universities). Nationwide, there is a large difference. According
to a 2015-2016 AAUP survey, the average senior (full) professor at a research
university makes $130,000; the average senior professor at a teaching
university makes $91,000. The same is true nationwide for junior (untenured)
professors with an average salary of $77,000 at research universities and
$64,000 at teaching universities. On average, professors at research
universities are smarter and know more about their field than professors at
teaching universities.
Note
the overall compensation package for these professors is roughly 30% more than
the salary, so these figures underestimate the cost to taxpayers. For example,
the overall compensation package for an average senior professor at a teaching
university is $119,000, considerably more than his $91,000 salary.
Next
consider the difference between faculty and administrators. According to the AAUP
survey, the average president at a public research university makes $456,000;
the average president at a teaching university makes $273,000. The average
chief academic officer (usually a provost) at a research university makes $320,000;
the average at a public teaching university makes $204,000. Again, the leaders
at research universities are far better scholars and more accomplished leaders
than those at teaching universities.
The
local universities fit this pattern. For example, according to the AAUP survey,
the average senior professor at SUNY Buffalo makes $138,000; the average at SUNY
Fredonia makes $90,000. For junior professors at Buffalo and Fredonia, the
numbers are $82,000 and $59,000 respectively. The president of SUNY Fredonia
(Ginny Horvath) makes $213,000, the provost (Terry Brown) makes $170,000, and
two representative deans (Russ Boisjoly and Chris Givner) make $159,000 and
$148,000 respectively. Even between fields the difference can be enormous with
new philosophy and music professors making in the low to mid $50,000 range and
new business professors sometimes making more than $90,000.
If
one wanted to know whether these salaries are too high or too low, a theory is
needed. On one theory, people should be paid according to what they deserve.
The problem is that the usual theories of desert are inadequate and hard to
apply outside of a free market.
Consider
the notion that people should be paid according to how hard they work or how
much they sacrifice. It is hard to see why this is true given that one person
might work harder than a second but accomplish far less. An example is a
musician who puts in a lot more effort than another, but still makes far worse music.
The same is true for
those teachers who work hard at their craft, but are still ineffective. Part of
what makes people successful is intelligence and a likeable personality and
these are strongly affected by genetics and thus not solely a function of hard
work.
In any case, academic salaries
don’t track anything like this criterion. Some of the fields that have
incredibly difficult programs (for example, physics, chemistry, and violin) are
flooded with incredibly talented people, whereas other, on average, less
difficult programs (for example, education and communication) are less flooded.
The former do not intuitively seem to deserve more money if the flooded market makes
it far cheaper to replace them.
The
notion that what people deserve depends on what they contribute to others is
more plausible. The problem is that what someone contributes depends in part on
what they produce and in part on how expensive it is to replace them. Both can,
at least in theory, be determined in a free market, where profits measure
overall productivity and people freely buy and sell labor. For example, a
salesman might be worth a lot of money if he adds a lot to a company’s profits
and would be expensive to replace. Without the profit motive, this is far less
easy to measure, whether in theory or practice. For example, it is unclear how
to measure a professor’s contribution to a college’s revenue.
It
is also unclear whether revenue should be the main concern. A professor of an
obscure topic (for example, Roman history or mathematical logic) might
contribute a lot to student learning but little to college revenue, whereas
other fields might do the opposite.
If
overall revenue to a university is what matters, thereby paralleling the profit
motive, then the case for highly paid senior professors is far from obvious. For
example, a public teaching college (for example, Fredonia) can hire a part-time
adjunct professor at roughly $3,000 a class. This might cost the university
$18,000 for six courses and $30,000 in total compensation when medical benefits
are added in. This is far less than the $119,000 in total compensation (salary
and benefits) for a senior tenure-track professor. Even if senior professors on
average contribute far more than part-time adjunct professors, it is unclear whether
they contribute $90,000 more.
The
same problem plagues market-based theories that assert that workers should be
paid according to their contribution to people’s economic well-being. In the
context of a free market, this contribution is at least theoretically
measurable. It is harder to see how this works in contexts such as state
universities when the market can’t be used to measure contribution. It can’t do
so because there is no price mechanism to mediate between supply and demand.
Instead, salaries are set by political forces and it is unclear on what basis
they should do so.
The
absence of a satisfactory theory of desert or market discipline prevents
academic salaries from being paid out according to what people deserve or in an
efficient manner. Perhaps a vague sense of an appropriate salary that partly satisfies
both of these criteria is the best we can do. Still, it is unsatisfying.
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