Stephen
Kershnar
Overturning Landmark Abortion Cases
Dunkirk-Fredonia Observer
March
4, 2019
It
is widely expected that the Supreme Court will revisit its landmark abortion
cases: Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) and Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S.
833 (1992).
Please note this column is informed by ideas from Rice University’s
Baruch Brody, Quinnipiac Law School’s Stephen Gilles, and Oxford University’s
Jeff McMahan.
In Planned Parenthood, Justice O’Connor put
forth two Constitutional rules on abortion that focus on viability. A fetus is
viable when it is capable of surviving outside the woman. The first rule is
that before viability, a state may not unduly interfere with a woman getting an
abortion. The state unduly interferes with abortion when its law or regulation is
intended to or has the effect of making abortions more difficult to get. She gave
three reasons for the focus on viability: precedent, workability, and consent.
On precedent, O’Connor noted that Roe
had twice been reaffirmed. On workability, she reasoned that viability sets a
clear line for women and the state. On consent, she asserted, a woman who fails
to act before viability has consented to the State’s intervening on behalf of
the fetus.
Second,
O’Connor found the State could ban abortion after viability so long as it had
exceptions for women’s life and health. O’Connor claimed that this post-viability
rule reconciles woman’s liberty with the State’s interest in the women’s and
fetus’s lives, although she didn’t explain why it does so.
The
problem with these two rules and the reasoning behind them is that they aren’t
in the Constitution. Nor are they philosophically justified. Instead, the rules
were pulled out of thin air and are, at best, an attempt to find a politically
acceptable middle ground.
The
Constitution’s text does not mention viability. Consider, for example, the Due
Process and Equal Protection clauses. The Due Process clause mentions people
born in the United States, but this is, at best, a sufficient condition to be a
citizen and not relevant to abortion. Those who wrote and ratified the
Constitution did not intend that a woman’s right to an abortion to cease at
viability. This is true regardless of whether they thought women had such a right.
O’Connor’s
reasoning is abysmal. On an issue as momentous as this, the fact that Roe had been reaffirmed twice is beside
the point. In addressing people’s fundamental rights, the Constitution does not
mention workability whether explicitly or implicitly. Even if workability were
relevant, and it’s not, viability is less workable than various bright line
rules. Consider, for example, the end of the first trimester. The consent
argument also fails. The Constitution doesn’t mention it in this context. If it
were relevant, then, again, a bright-line date (for example, ten weeks after
conception) is a better way to put women on notice that if they want to get an
abortion they have to do it by that date. In addition, viability will occur
earlier and earlier in pregnancy as neonatal technology improves, thereby
making viability less helpful for giving women a deadline for abortion.
Viability
also sits uneasily with other areas of the law. Ten states consider a
stranger’s killing a pre-viable fetus to be homicide. This leads to an oddity
in that some people can kill pre-viable fetuses with impunity (for example,
women and physicians) while others cannot.
As a
biological matter, viability is insignificant. The fetus is a distinct organism
from the woman. This can be seen in its separate genetic makeup, metabolic
processes, and boundaries. Also, a fetus’ biological dependence from the mother
does not change at viability. Even if the fetus is viable, if it is not removed
it still depends on the woman because it does not breathe air, ingest food, or
maintain its body temperature.
Most
important, as a philosophical matter, viability is irrelevant. A person comes
into existence when his brain comes into existence or, perhaps, when his brain first
has a relevant capacity. Consider, for example, the capacity to feel pleasure
and pain, be self-aware, or reason. These capacities likely begin after viability.
The
irrelevance of viability can be seen in that a person exists only when his
brain exists (or, perhaps, when his brain has a relevant capacity). This
explains why a body with two heads would be considered two people. A real world
example that is something like this can be seen in the Hensel twins: Abby and
Brittany.
The
notion that people begin to exist when their brains exist explains why if one
person’s brain were to be put in a second person’s body and the second person’s
brain were to be put in the first person’s body, intuitively, each person would
be located where his brain is located rather than where his body is located.
Thus, if Obama’s brain were put in Trump’s body and Trump’s brain were put in
Obama’s body, Obama would be in Trump’s body and Trump would be in Obama’s
body.
The notion
that a person is her brain (or, perhaps, part of it) can also be seen in the
intuition that a person ceases to exist when the part of her brain where consciousness
occurs dissolves away. Consider, for example, Terry Schiavo. A fetus gets a
brain before viability and a functioning one after viability. Thus, viability
is irrelevant.
Viability
should be irrelevant to the Constitutional status of abortion whether one
considers the Constitution’s text or the intentions of those who wrote and
ratified it. It is also irrelevant when we consider biology and philosophy. It
is not even a practical standard or one that puts a woman on notice.
The
Court will have to decide that the Constitution is silent on abortion or,
instead, discover when it is that a person comes into existence. If the
Constitution is silent on it, then it is for the states and people to decide. If
the Court tries to discover when a person comes into existence, it will have to
discover when a fetus gets a brain or, perhaps, a brain with the relevant
capacity. No matter what it decides, Roe
and Planned Parenthood should be
overturned.
1 comment:
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