Stephen
Kershnar
The Left Sues Trump Over the Emoluments
Clause
Dunkirk-Fredonia Observer
June
18, 2017
Various
leftist groups and politicians have recently sued Donald Trump over the
Emoluments Clause of the Constitution. An emolument can take the form of a gift
or compensation. The Article I Section 9 Emoluments Clause prohibits the
receipt of an emolument. It states, “No Title of Nobility shall be granted by
the United States; and no person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under
them, shall, without the Consent of Congress, accept of any present, Emolument,
Office, or Title, of any kind whatsoever, from any King, Prince, or foreign
State.” The issue is whether the Clause
applies to the President.
There
is no judicial precedent interpreting the clause. Nor has the Supreme Court
addressed it. The clause differs from the ban on bribery because the Emolument
Clause only concerns gifts from foreign governments rather than from public or
private parties in general. The Emoluments Clause also differs from the legal
ban on conflicts of interest because that ban explicitly exempts the President.
The
three lawsuits were brought by a left-wing activist group, two Democratic attorneys
general from the District of Columbia and Maryland, and nearly 200 Democratic members
of Congress. The members of Congress asked the court to declare that Trump would
violate the Constitution were he to accept a benefit banned by the clause. They
also asked that the court order Trump not to take any gifts or compensation from
a foreign government without Congress’ approval.
Sadly for the Democrats, the
Emoluments Clause does not apply to the President. Law professor Seth Tillman
provides three arguments for this assumption. First, he argues that “office” in
the Emoluments Clause does not include the President. Rather, he notes, it
refers to commissioned rather than elected officials. When a provision applies
to elected officials, he points out, it explicitly names them. Consider, for
example, the Impeachment Clause.
Second, Tillman argues that in
understanding the Constitution special consideration is due to the precedent
set by George Washington’s administration, especially with regard to
presidential powers. Washington accepted gifts from the French government
without any Congressional consent or even a record of congressmen criticizing
his doing so. If the generation that wrote and ratified the Constitution didn’t
think the Emolument Clause applied to the President, it probably doesn’t apply
to him.
Third, during the Washington
administration, Tillman points out, the Senate ordered the Secretary of the
Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, to list people who held office under the United
States and their salaries. Hamilton’s list did not include elected officials,
such as the President.
University
of Chicago law professor Will Baude argues that Tillman’s interpretation of
“office” also makes sense of the Constitution’s structure and text. Under
Article II, Baude argues, the President is required to “Commission all Officers
of the United States.” This would make little sense if he were an officer. Baude
also argues that there are two other emolument clauses in the Constitution that
limit salary increases for the President and members of Congress. Both clauses mention
these positions by name rather than including them via the words “office” or
“officer.”
Even
if the Emolument Clause were to apply to the President, it does not provide a
remedy. The Clause does not make accepting an emolument a crime. Even if it made
it a crime, the President is probably not subject to the federal criminal law because
he is the boss of the Justice Department and Attorney General. It is unclear whether
they could charge him without his permission. It is unlikely that he would give
permission. Even if he were to give permission for them to charge him and, as a
result, he were convicted of a crime, he could still pardon himself. Even if he
permitted prosecutors to convict him and did not pardon himself, it is unclear
whether he would be imprisoned given that he is the boss of the federal prison
system. The Justice Department agrees with this. It claims that a sitting
President cannot be indicted for a crime.
The President is also not subject to
Emoluments Clause because no one has standing to sue under it. To have
standing, you have to have a concrete and particular injury. It is doubtful
that a private citizen could meet this condition.
If
the Emolument Clause had a remedy, it would be the President not being
reelected or being impeached and convicted. Impeachment, though, requires serious
corruption or abuse of power, criminal activity, or violating federal law in
such a way as to trespass onto Congressional power. Atrocious behavior can meet
these conditions regardless of whether it violates the Emolument Clause.
Consider, for example, President Bill Clinton’s perjury and obstruction of
justice.
The Emoluments Clause is also painfully
vague. On a common interpretation, an emolument for a businessperson can take
the form of payment for more than fair market value. There is an issue as to
whether this would be met when a foreign government gives a gift or
compensation to a President’s corporation, foundation, or adult children.
Similarly, there is an issue as to whether the condition is met were the gift
or compensation given by a private corporation partly owned by a foreign
government or private citizen with close ties to a government. These are the
conditions under which the clause would need to be applied.
In
short, the Emoluments Clause does not apply to the President and would be
irrelevant if it did. President Trump’s far-reaching businesses and his refusal
to put them in a blind trust thus do not violate either Emoluments Clause or law
banning conflicts of interest.
The
Democratic lawsuits are thus frivolous and should be thrown out. Still, there
is something funny about watching Democratic members of Congress get upset over
the Emolument Clause when they couldn’t care less about the Constitution and
were silent over Obama administration’s rampant lawbreaking (for example, the
IRS’s abusing taxpayer groups, blatantly unconstitutional amnesties for illegal
aliens, and war on Libya).
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