Stephen
Kershnar
Walter Scott, Traffic Tickets, and
Government Overreach
Dunkirk-Fredonia Observer
April
12, 2015
The
recent spate of videotaped incidents highlights intertwined problems:
out-of-control police violence and constant government overreach.
By
now everyone has seen the recent video of the shooting of Walter Scott in South Carolina.
Scott was stopped for a broken taillight. After he fled from Officer
Michael Slager, the cop shot him eight times from behind and then appears to
drop a Taser near Scott’s body. Slager gave the line that almost always
protects cops: a struggle ensued, the suspect reached for my weapon and I
feared for my life. After the video emerged, Slager was charged with murder. Without
the cell-phone video, he’d be free as the wind.
In 2013, an individual who was being investigated in a case
of mistaken identity complained that Slager tased him for no good reason and
when his hands up in the air. The North Charleston police cleared Slager, although
the alleged victim and several witnesses claimed they were not even interviewed
about the incident.
The videotaped shooting comes shortly after the videotaped
chokehold of Eric Garner in Staten Island that led to his death. Two journalists,
Reuben Fischer-Baum and Al Johri, estimate that the police shoot and kill
around 1,000 people each year, that is, three a day.
Most, recently, a video captures a horse thief in Southern
California who was stunned with a Taser by a sheriff’s deputy and fell to the
ground with his arms outstretched. Writing for NBC, Joseph Kandel and Tony Shin
claim that a group of 11 sheriff’s deputies then kicked him 17 times,
kneed him to the groin, punched him 37 times, and struck him with batons 4
times. 13 blows appeared to be to the head. Following the attack, the man did
not appear to move from his position on the ground for more than 45 minutes and
did not appear to receive medical attention while deputies stood around him.
The
issue that arises is whether the above cases and ones like them are the
exception or whether there is a real problem with police violence. Often the police’s
defenders claim there’s no problem here. They note that there are bad cops, but
no more so than bad teachers, nurses, and bus drivers. Other defenders argue
that the high-profile cases are isolated instances and not a systemic failure.
Others,
such as Slate’s Jamelle Bouie, rebut
the isolated-instances claim. He argues that role of cameras in reducing police
violence suggests that they can and do use far less violence when monitored
and, hence, far too much police violence is unnecessary and wrong.
A
study by Police Chief William Farrar found that in Rialto, California when
police used body cameras, complaints against them dropped 88%. Furthermore,
Farrar noted that this reduction in complaints was due to a reduction in force
because (1) police shifts with cameras had half as many use-of-force incidents
as those with cameras and (2) officers without cameras were more likely to use
force without having been physically threatened.
Arizona
State University criminologist Michael White notes that a study of police
officers in Mesa, Arizona found that police officers had 60% fewer complaints after
they wore body cameras and 65% fewer complaints than those officers who did not
wear cameras. A reduction in complaints was also found in Great Britain when
officers wore cameras.
It
is possible that this decline in complaints and use of force is largely due to
citizens behaving differently in response to the cameras, but this doesn’t fit
well with the evidence. The Rialto study found that the police were more disciplined
about only using force in response to a threat to them when they were on camera
than when they are not. Also, a citizen already faces a serious chance of
injury and conviction when fighting with the police and it is unlikely that the
camera adds much of a further deterrent.
Police
involvement in citizens’ lives is also at a disturbing level. Sociologists Charles R. Epp and fellow researchers
studied traffic stops and found that nationwide 12% of all drivers are
stopped by the police each year. Based on data about the Kansas City
metropolitan area, they found that more than a
third of young black men are stopped two or more times a year for investigatory
stops. An investigatory stop is one based on a minor matter (for example,
driving too slowly, malfunctioning lights, or failure to signal) and is often used
as a pretext for investigations of the driver and the vehicle. Epp and company
found that 44% of young black men who drive an older luxury car were subject to
investigatory stops. Regardless of the race issue, far too many people are being
pulled over and the courts and legislature deserve a lot of the blame here.
Nor is it just traffic stops. Tickets are now used to bleed
revenue out of cowed citizens. A 2006 Federal Reserve Bank study found states
sharply increasing the number of traffic tickets given out to compensate for
loss of revenue elsewhere. Some states have had had to limit the percentage of
a town’s revenue that can get from tickets to 30% for state roads and 35% to
state highways as some towns started to use police and courts as moneymaking
schemes. These percentages are outrageous.
The results of using tickets as taxation are ugly. Timothy
Williams writing in The New York Times
notes that in 2013, an astounding 17% of Californians had their licenses
suspended for failure to pay fines or appear in court. This is unsurprising
given a 2012 state analysis that found that a $500 traffic ticket, even when
paid on time, cost $1,953. It also found a $100 ticket for failure to have
proof of insurance actually cost $490 and this increases to $815 if the
motorist didn’t pay on time.
Police violence, police stopping far too many
motorists for minor traffic matters, and towns using traffic tickets as their
newest and most favorite form of taxation are a bad combination. The three are
related in that the demand for more government revenue leads to more traffic
stops, which leads to more friction, and so on. The system needs reform.
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